Focusing on the Horn of Africa, this book delves into the complex origins and consequences of conflicts in Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Somalia. It examines both intra-state and inter-state tensions, highlighting the pervasive insecurity that arises from these struggles. Through detailed analysis, the work sheds light on the region's tumultuous dynamics and the broader implications for stability in Africa.
This paper analyses the notion of self-determination and secession by adopting a comparative perspective on two case studies, namely Somaliland and South Sudan. Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali state. Since then, Somaliland has been making relentless efforts to secure recognition from the international community. South Sudan successfully negotiated the right to exercise self-determination, a right that was formalised in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM). The people of South Sudan held a referendum and voted overwhelmingly for secession, with formal independence being achieved on 9 July 2011. International law may better qualify Somaliland for statehood than South Sudan for three reasons: (i) it was created by colonialism, (ii) it has already been recognised, albeit only for a few days, as an independent state in 1960, and (iii) it has proven to be stable, functional and relatively democratic. Yet Somaliland has failed to achieve international recognition. This paper interrogates this discrepancy. It concludes that the existence of a partner ready to accept the right of self-determination, and geostrategic concerns about security as well as economic and political interests, determine international recognition.
Genesis, Trajectories, Processes, Routes and Consequences
The book offers a comprehensive analysis of state formation in the Horn of Africa through three distinct models: proto-state, colonial, and national liberation. Each model provides a unique perspective, with the proto-state focusing on indigenous processes, the colonial model addressing externally imposed structures, and the national liberation model highlighting state formation through liberation movements. Together, these models create a robust framework for understanding the complexities of state evolution in the region, marking a novel approach in the field of historical sociology.
The book offers a critical examination of the neoliberal approaches to peacebuilding and statebuilding, highlighting their implications for stability and development in Africa and other developing nations. It serves as a valuable resource for scholars, activists, policymakers, and NGOs engaged in these issues, encouraging a deeper understanding of the challenges and dynamics involved in fostering peace and development in complex contexts.
Seeks to examine the Eritrean National Liberation Movement of 1961- 1991 by critically analysing the internal progress of the movement and further casting light on the external attention, or rather inattention, paid to it. In terms of the latter, it gives an explanation of why the Eritrean liberation struggle, unlike many other liberation struggles in the Third World, was ignored and neglected.
This book examines post-secession and post-transition state building in Somaliland, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan. It explores two intimately linked, yet analytically distinct themes: state building and national identity reconstruction following secession and collapse. In Somaliland and South Sudan, rearranging the state requires a complete metamorphosis of state institutions so that they respond to the needs and interests of the people. In Sudan and Somalia, the reconfiguration of the remains of the state must address a new reality and demands on the ground. All four cases examined, although highly variable, involve conflict. Conflict defines the scope, depth and momentum of the state building and state reconstruction process. It also determines the contours and parameters of the projects to reconstitute national identity and rebuild a nation. Addressing the contested identity formation and its direct relation to state building would therefore go a long way in mitigating conflicts and state crisis.